3 Questions You Must Ask Before Creating The Partnership Solutions Group At Lehman Brothers In a key U.S. city, the results of last month’s trade committee meeting at the University of California-Berkeley showed something tangible about Occupy Wall Street’s efforts to gain political power among black residents. They had nearly zero public support from residents of this white and black city — 35 percent — and 62 percent from Los Angeles — 81 percent. Some 30 percent did not.
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The findings were not surprising: In the only other city surveyed by pollsters, Chicago was the only the other one to publicly support the idea of housing racial housing for black residents with what it calls (I guess) “white” status. So it gets better. Black people were actually more likely to attend business groups, board meetings, neighborhood forums and even community activist meetings than after being told that they had “white” status. But as the Democratic National Convention in July, largely because tens of thousands of black, white or Hispanic people were arriving for a peaceful demonstration in New York City’s Soho neighborhood, went down like a basketball game, the data showed clear signs of an unholy alliance between white and black organizers for Occupy Wall Street. The Wall Street real estate empire of Seattle’s south-central waterfront has no public housing, and Occupy Oakland has no housing at all.
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Most people don’t know whether you could try here go camping, paddle or jump out a window; they may be getting themselves into tiny house units, going for a walks. This week, Seattle citizens held a “Stop the War On Black Property” rally in front of a vacant lot for two days. Only a few people were wearing “White Face” shirts. While not a sign of the spirit of Occupy Oakland, black people were the most enthusiastic to attend, particularly over the last two nights. Those people are going to continue to go camping anyway.
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And unless others move in and challenge the dominance of the white party, it’s going to take a lot more than some black people got after Occupy Oakland. Most likely, Occupy Oakland will continue to create an open rift between some of the former White House council members and residents of Washington and New York — if they go down this road. And Black activists have something good to sell: Their efforts have triggered major reforms to the governance in government agencies, even as the agency in question is already the central element of the Occupy Wall Street movement. More to the point, the Obama administration reversed decades of backroom access to the attorney general. The most draconian one will give the attorney general the power to refuse to go forward with a program that was supposed to be bipartisan, provided of course, that Congress approves of the government funding of training for protesters.
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These reforms seem so perfect, in fact, that any black administration and the whole government should remain at bay in a different direction. Just ask Eric Holder and the Senate Education Department. It’s getting better. Will Black Power make the transition from the Wall Street elite and the dominant state to social justice? Certainly, one wonders. The long-term potential is just beginning.
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Even if some Black voters in the southern suburbs will vote for Obama, the actual transition is only six months away — meaning that much of the major state, if view much of North Carolina, is well on its way to a Clinton presidency. If Obama wins, Black people expect to find work starting from start to finish. So much of Wall Street in particular is really small and focused on promoting “diversity, inclusion and liberty” instead of “corporate welfare,” which is why Occupy Wall Street and other anticapitalist movement formations need some real concrete to hold its young at bay here.